(This review cover materials up to 1 October 2025)

Despite being one of the world’s wealthiest nations, the UK continues to grapple with widespread poverty. In 2018, one-fifth of the population lived in poverty, with 1.5 million experiencing destitution (United Nations, 2019a). By 2024, poverty persists, disproportionately impacting women and ethnic minorities, including many who are working yet unable to make ends meet (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2024). Within this context, interpreters in the UK’s outsourced public service interpreting (PSI) sector face precarious working conditions, inadequate pay, and financial insecurity. These challenges are exacerbated by the power imbalances characteristic of outsourcing arrangements, despite the essential role of PSI in safeguarding human rights and ensuring equal access to public services.

PSI demands advanced linguistic and contextual knowledge, requiring interpreters to communicate accurately and reliably in legal, medical, and social service settings. They must also possess a thorough understanding of the systems and conventions within these contexts to facilitate effective communication and uphold high ethical standards. Their work often carries life-saving or life-changing implications for the individuals they serve.

Introduction and Context

The United Kingdom (UK) is a diverse nation with a legal framework aimed at fostering equality and inclusion for all. The Human Rights Act 1998 incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into the UK’s laws, making interpreting provision a legal requirement and integral part of the right to a fair trial (The Human Rights Act 1998). The Equality Act 2010 prohibits direct or indirect discrimination on the basis of protected characteristics such as age, religion, sex, sexual orientation and disability. It mandates that public organisations provide interpreting and translation services for individuals with limited English proficiency, ensuring equal access to public services (Equality Act 2010). These laws underscore the vital role interpreters play in safeguarding equality and human rights.

Public service interpreting (PSI) refers to interpreting that happens in the context of public services such as legal, medical and other social services such as housing, education, and welfare. It distinguishes the interpreting that takes place in such contexts from those of commercial, broadcast and conference interpreting (Wang & Pan, 2021). Other terms have also been used to refer to PSI including liaison interpreting, dialogue interpreting, and community interpreting (Wang & Pan, 2021). While PSI encompasses both spoken and sign language interpreting, this study will focus only on spoken interpreting between foreign languages and English. It will not address sign language interpreting or Welsh language interpreting, as these fields may involve distinct systemic differences. For example, sign language court interpreters often work in pairs, and some Welsh interpreters in Wales may be employed as in-house staff due to the high level of demand, given that Welsh is a national language.

PSI presents a distinctive context in the context of Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI). Although providing interpreting in a social services context is a state obligation, funded by taxpayers and mandated by legal frameworks, it is primarily outsourced to private translation companies, and in rare instances, to third-sector organizations. Additionally, PSI has critical impacts that could be life-shaping or life-changing for two social groups predominantly coming from marginalized backgrounds.

The first group is individuals with limited English proficiency who depend on interpreters to access public services. Quality issues in the provision of PSI have resulted in or contributed to miscarriages of justice and physical harm to patients. For example, insufficient language support in the criminal justice system has led to the wrongful arrests of crime victims, as reported by Victim Support and the Institute for Crime & Justice Policy Research (ICPR) (Dinisman et al., 2022). Additionally, inadequate interpreting support has contributed to cases of infant mortality and serious brain injuries (BBC File on 4, 2023). Women with limited or no English proficiency are also 25 times more likely to die during pregnancy and childbirth than those who speak fluent English (Rowntree, 2024). The persistence of these racial inequalities underscores the systemic and institutional racism embedded within public service provision in the UK (Feagin, 2013). While these critical issues provide important context for understanding the essential role of PSI, addressing them falls beyond the scope of this study.

The second impacted social group is the interpreters themselves, whose working conditions and compensation are often determined by the contract holder translation companies. Notably, a significant proportion of UK interpreters come from migrant backgrounds. For example, 95% of interpreters registered with the National Register for Public Service Interpreters (NRPSI) identify English as a second language. Furthermore, 64% of registered interpreters are women, while 36% are men (NRPSI, 2018).

Both academic literature and industry reports frequently characterize PSI by low pay, difficult working conditions, limited opportunities for career advancement, lack of health and safety considerations, and the absence of employment benefits such as paid leave and pensions (ATC & Nimdzi, 2023; ATC & PI4J, 2023; Dong & Turner, 2016; Drugan, 2020; Leminen & Hokkanen, 2024). However, a notable gap in the literature persists regarding critical issues, such as documenting the extent of interpreters’ low pay, examining how financial and job insecurity affect their well-being, and highlighting the lack of clarity surrounding responsibilities between translation companies and the public bodies commissioning interpreting services.

In outsourcing arrangements, translation companies are private businesses that act as intermediaries between public bodies requiring interpreting services and the interpreters. Translation companies control work allocation and rate setting, which can potentially lead to problematic power dynamics between interpreters and translation companies (Dong & Turner, 2016). Other terms such as agencies or language service providers are sometimes used to refer to these companies. This study uses the term translation companies to avoid potential confusion with the concept of agency, which refers to the capacity of individuals to act independently and make their own free choices to satisfy their goals and needs even under structural constraints, as defined by the English sociologist Anthony Giddens in his discussion on human agency, social structure, and the theory of structuration (2013). Additionally, the term language service providers encompasses a broader range of services, such as language teaching and voice-over in foreign languages.

The outsourcing of public services to private companies gained momentum in the UK during the late 20th century, spurred by the neoliberal policies of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (1979–1990). This shift fundamentally transformed the landscape of public sector employment (Harvey, 2005; Mazzucato & Collington, 2023; Standing, 2023). Outsourcing frequently led to reduced wages and benefits, heightened work intensity, and diminished job security. It also contributed to the rise of precarious employment, exacerbating social and economic inequalities while weakening the influence of trade unions (Bach, 2016; Healy, 2016; Heery & Simms, 2010; Kirton & Healy, 2013;).

Moreover, a 2023 BBC investigation in collaboration with the National Register of Public Service Interpreters (NRPSI) revealed that 10% of public service interpreters were unlikely to continue in the profession within the next 12 months due to inadequate remuneration (BBC File on 4, 2023). The BBC also reported on protests and strike actions by court interpreters and translators over freelance working conditions, with one interpreter stating that many of her peers were “pretty much on the poverty line” (BBC, 2024).

One particularly concerning trend, which appears to have received limited attention in interpreting literature and serves as a personal inspiration for my focus on working conditions and rates of pay, is the widespread practice among translation companies contracted for public service interpreting to operate “virtual call centres.” In these settings, interpreters are compensated solely for the minutes they actively spend interpreting, with no remuneration for waiting times, breaks, or personal necessities such as restroom use. While specific per-minute rates are not publicly disclosed, as a practicing interpreter, I am aware that current rates for phone interpreting range between 17 and 19 pence per minute. Given that assignments can be as brief as 15 minutes, interpreters often earn only £3–£4 per session, without any guarantee of additional work throughout the day or week. Considering the high level of skill required to be an interpreter (Wang & Pan, 2021), these rates seem strikingly low and potentially exploitative.

Economist Guy Standing (2023) highlights the problematic nature of precarious work, where workers endure unpaid waiting periods for brief, limited work opportunities, exacerbating financial instability and reducing workers’ control over how they spend their time. In the context of PSI, interpreters often face similar challenges, with long unpaid waiting times for a few minutes of paid work. Standing also warns that many precarious workers earn less than their essential financial needs, forcing them to rely on debt if they lack personal or family wealth, which leads to a vicious cycle of persistent poverty (Standing, 2011; 2023). The persistent poverty experienced by workers whose earnings do not cover basic living expenses is referred to as in-work poverty, which is becoming increasingly common worldwide, even in wealthy nations like the UK (Hick & Lanau, 2017; Wills & Linneker, 2014).

These issues are further compounded by the financial risks interpreters face when translation companies suddenly cease operations, leaving them unpaid for services already rendered. For example, interpreters were “left in limbo” and owed significant sums following the collapse of Debonair Languages as reported by Slator, a research and market intelligence organization specializing in the language industry (Slator, 2019). Debonair Languages was a subcontractor for TheBigWord, the sole holder of the MoJ interpreting contract. Similarly, in 2017, interpreters faced financial hardship when the translation company Pearl declared bankruptcy (Slator, 2017).

Despite these alarming reports, academic literature appears to lack a comprehensive analysis or documentation of the job and financial insecurities faced by interpreters, a gap this interdisciplinary research aims to address.

Literature Review

Public service interpreting (PSI) refers to interpreting that takes place in legal and medical settings, as well as in other social services, including housing, education, and welfare (Wang & Pan, 2021). It does not encompass interpreting in conferences, broadcasting, or commercial contexts. Other terms, such as liaison interpreting, dialogue interpreting, and community interpreting, have also been used to describe PSI (Wang & Pan, 2021).

The importance of PSI was brought to the attention of the UK public and policymakers in the 1980s, following the case of Iqbal Begum, a Punjabi speaker who stood trial and was sentenced for the murder of her husband after she had been a victim of domestic violence. A few years after the trial, it was accidentally discovered that she did not understand the court proceedings, as she didn’t speak English or the language of the individual recruited as her ‘interpreter,’ who did not speak Punjabi. Begum was released on appeal. Tragically, she later took her own life (The Guardian, 2012; Townsley, 2008).

Another high-profile case was the tragic death of Victoria Climbié, a seven-year-old girl who arrived in the UK from the Ivory Coast, via France, in 1999, but died in 2000 as a result of severe abuse at the hands of her aunt and her aunt’s partner. Victoria’s death exposed significant failures in the child protection system in the UK, as her abusive aunt served as the language mediator between Victoria and social workers, health professionals, and police officers (Townsley, 2008; Williams, 2021).

Following these cases, legal frameworks were established to mandated the provision of public service interpreting.  The Human Rights Act 1998 incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law, making interpreting services a legal requirement for ensuring the right to a fair trial. The Equality Act 2010 prohibits discrimination based on nine protected characteristics, including race, and requires public bodies to provide interpreting and translation services. As a result, the provision of interpreting in social service settings became a state obligation, funded by taxpayers and mandated by law. However, In recent years, PSI has been primarily outsourced to private language service providers (LSPs) who act as intermediaries between public bodies requiring interpreting services and the interpreters. LSPs are sometimes referred to as translation and interpreting companies, translation and interpreting agencies, or language service companies.

Since the advent of outsourcing, PSI has been frequently described in academic literature as involving low pay, difficult working conditions, limited career progression opportunities, and lack of employment benefits such as paid leave and pensions (Dong & Turner, 2016; Drugan, 2020; Leminen & Hokkanen, 2024) Furthermore, interpreters are often exposed to the risk of vicarious trauma when working in challenging environments, without receiving adequate psychological or well-being support (Chen, 2023; Määttä, 2015; Roziner & Shlesinger, 2010). While detailed academic research on the working conditions of interpreters in PSI remains limited, there is an almost complete absence of research addressing the financial insecurities interpreters experience and how such insecurities may negatively impact interpreters’ lives.

Two seminal studies by Joanna Drugan (2020), and Jiqing Dong and Graham Turner (2016) offer valuable insights into the problematic working conditions within the UK’s outsourced PSI system. Drugan presents original research conducted during the Transnational Organised Crime and Translation (TOCAT) project, which brought together academic researchers, contract-holders, interpreters, translators, language service providers, professional associations, and users of translation and interpreting services. It focuses on the novel and ethically challenging ‘translaborations’ in police settings. “Translaboration” refers to the evolving collaborations among various stakeholders involved in interpreting and translation in complex police environments. The study raises critical questions about interpreting quality and ethics in the management of large-scale public service delivery within framework agreements (Drugan, 2020, p.307).

Drugan’s analysis of complex collaborations in police interpreting shows that the introduction of outsourcing has altered traditional collaborations between interpreters and public service providers, adding complexity and making it more challenging to control the quality provided by private interpreting agencies (2020). She notes that the outsourcing model disrupted longstanding direct relationships between interpreters and local police by introducing intermediary LSPs for booking interpreters from various geographical locations, imposing complex collaboration requirements and created new working conditions in which interpreters are expected to adhere to the intermediaries’ requirements, including the obligatory use of problematic booking apps and facing fines for lateness or inability to attend an assignment (2020). This underscores the absence of employee protection for interpreters. Not only are they not paid sickness leave or time off for emergencies, but they are sometimes subjected to fees for not showing up.

Drugan also explores a significant drawback in the current system relating to quality control and possibly problematic lack of internal capability of the Police to manage the outsourced interpreting provisions and control the quality of those provisions. Some of the police forces have outsourced the quality control of the already outsourced interpreting to the translation company The Language Shop. In her research, Drugan found that the same individuals working with the police as interpreters were being hired by The Language Shop to be quality assessors without any training or support regarding quality control (2020).

It is important to note that, on 1 April 2021, the police introduced the Police Approved Interpreters and Translators Scheme (PAIT). This scheme requires police units to verify the vetting, qualifications, and experience of interpreters working through interpreting agencies in law enforcement settings (UK Police, 2021). Additionally, some forces, such as the Metropolitan Police, set specific pay rates for interpreters, even when their services are contracted through interpreting agencies (Metropolitan Police Services, 2022). While this is a positive practice that reduces or eliminates the risk of interpreters being exploited by interpreting agencies, it reveals a devaluation of experience, as fixed rates mean that interpreters with decades of experience are paid the same as those with limited experience.

The other important study is by Dong and Turner who observed that the dynamics between interpreters and agencies lack sufficient research attention. They conducted ethnographic research to study the ergonomic impact of interpreting agencies on interpreters working in PSI, and to explore interpreters’ work experiences, professionalisation policies, and managerial practices (2016). They adopted the International Ergonomics Association (IEA)’s definition of Ergonomics, which is also known as ‘human factors’, as the scientific discipline concerned with the understanding of interactions among humans with other elements of a system (IEA, 2000). Their research was carried out through a case study at a national translation company providing PSI, which they gave the pseudonym Insight. Data collection was conducted over a number of months and included a questionnaire, field notes, meeting minutes, audio recordings of interpreters’ induction, research journal, in-house archival data, seminar discussions, and semi-structured interviews with five employees from the translation company, including a director and managers, and 15 interviews with freelance interpreters who take assignments not only from Insight but also from other interpreting agencies with a focus to give interpreters an opportunity to speak about this work experiences as “their voices are mostly unheard in the organisational discourse” (2016, p.9).

Their study identified several key findings regarding the adverse impact of translation company’s practices on interpreters. There is a lack of formal grievance procedures to allow interpreters to voice their concerns, leading to a divergence in understandings of professionalism and an unequal distribution of power between interpreters and agency management. Interpreters often struggle with the procedural issues as interpreting agencies have a tight control over work allocation, and the insistence on procedural adherence, create stress and operational challenges for interpreters. Interpreters experience inadequate health and safety measures, particularly during home visits or in potentially unsafe environments such as in prisons. The lack of formal training and risk assessment further exacerbates these issues (2016).

Furthermore, a main problem highlighted during interviews with interpreters during the study was interpreters’ hesitation to call agencies with queries for fear of being labelled as incompetent or losing future assignments. Also, interpreters often felt pressured to accept assignments, particularly when agency managers express urgency. Over half of the interviewed interpreters reported difficulty in refusing assignments due to fear of losing future work opportunities or being blacklisted. Interpreters reported problems with travel times, citing “spending more on waiting for the bus or stuck in traffic” or having to spend “three hours total on the way for only a 10-minute assignment” (2016, p.15). Interpreters also spoke about the unpredictable nature of their work and the lack of preparation time as they are usually not given advanced information about the nature and the topic of the assignments (Dong & Turner, 2016).

Dong and Turner concluded that interpreting agencies’ managerial practices often undermine interpreters’ autonomy and their ability to perform effectively, leading to a professional identity crisis where interpreters feel more like low-paid, precarious workers than high-skilled professionals. Interpreters face ergonomic risks similar to those in other precarious employment sectors, such as mental stress, irregular working hours, and volatile work pace. These challenges are compounded by inadequate organisational support leading interpreters to withhold concerns or lose their ability to decline assignments out of fear of losing assignments or reputational damage. In turn, this highlights a stark disparity between the increasing number of regulatory measures in PSI and the declining working conditions for interpreters indicates a malfunction within the existing institutional system of PSI (Dong & Turner, 2016).

Both the above-mentioned studies offer invaluable insights into the challenges facing interpreters in PSI. However, there remains a notable lack of focus on pay rates and financial insecurity of public service interpreters. In his 2008 article, Brooke Townsley noted that interpreters working in Greater London for the courts or the police could expect remuneration ranging from £28 to £35 per hour, while those in the health or local government sectors commonly received £15 to £20 per hour (2008, p.7). However, there seems to be an empirical gap regarding current pay rates—a gap this study aims to fill.

In the context of the lack of precise figures on low pay and financial insecurity faced by interpreters working in PSI, it is important to highlight concerns expressed by interpreting scholar Rebecca Tipton, who observes that “given the difficulties in sustaining a reliable income from interpreting (at least in Britain), it is not uncommon for interpreters to accept assignments across domains without fully understanding the consequences” (2017, p.5). This illustrates a negative consequence of the precarious nature of PSI, where financial difficulties might push interpreters to take on work beyond their areas of expertise.

Similarly, in her investigation of medical interpreting in Hong Kong, Ester Leung references the UK’s outsourced PSI system as “a dysfunctional” model, noting that it is “characterised by numerous complaints about the quality of interpreting services, low interpreter morale due to inadequate pay, and a lack of transparency” (2020, p.279). Both Tipton’s and Leung’s remarks further emphasize the detrimental impact of outsourcing on interpreters’ working conditions and the critical need to fill the empirical gap regarding financial insecurities for interpreters.

Moreover, juxtaposing the concerns surrounding the low pay of public service interpreters – who primarily assist marginalised individuals – with the lucrative compensation received by conference interpreters working with influential figures and world leaders and considered as “the stars” of the translation industry (Dam & Zethsen, 2013) reveals a troubling devaluation of skills of interpreters working in PSI. Additionally, disparities in status are evident as conference interpreters are often viewed as high-status professionals, likened to medical doctors and university professors (Gentile, 2013), while public service interpreters are more frequently compared to nurses (Gentile, 2016). However, there is a lack of academic research on the competitiveness of well-paying conference, commercial and broadcast interpreting, and how many interpreters work across both public service and other sectors.

Furthermore, a relevant study on changes in the general interpreting work, that does not exclusively focus on PSI interpreting, is Deborah Giustini’s qualitative case study on platform-based interpreting work in Northwestern Europe (2024). The study applies labour process theory to examine the evolving labour-capital relationship in the gig economy. It highlights how digital platforms serve as critical sites of production, employing algorithmic management and performance metrics to exert control over interpreters, as well as compensate interpreters per minute of work, rather than the customary hourly or daily rates. These mechanisms reinforce compliance through the threat of invisibility or deactivation, allowing platforms to extract surplus value from interpreters’ labour while perpetuating narratives of flexibility, independence, and entrepreneurship. Despite these narratives, interpreters interviewed in Giustini’s study often viewed platform work as an extension of broader industry-wide exploitation.

Additionally, Giustini’s study extends existing discussions on the managerialism of interpreting agencies and the “uberisation” of translation work by demonstrating how platforms intensify agency-like exploitation while presenting themselves as transparent marketplaces (2024). She argues that platform-based interpreting not only reduces labour costs but also normalises ultra-precarious working conditions under the guise of technological evolution. Furthermore, the study identifies potential collusion between platforms and clients, where both parties exploit interpreters’ skills and labour under the threat of work withdrawal and substitution. She highlights the urgent need to address exploitative digital practices and power imbalances that undermine interpreters’ autonomy and financial security (Giustini, 2024).

Another highly relevant study is Li Li’s (2025) examination of the systemic barriers that perpetuate inadequacies in maternity care for migrant women with limited English proficiency. Li identifies three main issues: the limited choices available to women within maternity care interpreting, the challenges of retaining interpreter workforces, and infrastructural failures in incorporating new video-interpreting technology—marketed as “interpreters-on-wheels” by LanguageLine Solutions. LI conclude that systemic challenges and workforce issues create a vicious circle that perpetuate service inadequacy.

While Li’s study focuses on interpreters as a workforce whose challenges contribute to shortcomings in service provision, it also offers important insights into interpreters’ experiences within maternity care. Li argues that there is an exodus of interpreters from healthcare interpreting, with service providers failing to attract new entrants (2025, p. 7). Of the 126 interpreters surveyed, 60.4% reported a reduction in healthcare interpreting work, 17.5% reported rarely undertaking healthcare assignments, and 7.1% stated that they had stopped entirely. Moreover, she identifies a pattern whereby interpreters who leave healthcare interpreting do not turn at a later time. One interpreter, for example, was quoted remarking that: “I refuse to work for peanuts” (Li, 2025, p. 8), exemplifying how market dynamics within healthcare interpreting are worsening conditions for practitioners. This, in turn, pushes interpreters to seek work elsewhere, thereby creating shortages and further restricting equal healthcare access for people with limited English proficiency.

Overall, the limited research in the academic literature on PSI regarding the working conditions, challenges, and insecurities faced by interpreters stands in stark contrast to the extensive focus on other aspects, such as the necessary skills and competencies (Angelelli, 2006; Corsellis, 2008; Gile, 2009; Tipton & Furmanek, 2016; Wang & Pan, 2021), as well as training (Crezee, 2015; Hale & Campbell, 2003; Hale & Gonzalez, 2017; Mikkelson, 2013; Pöchhacker, 2004), quality assessment (Angelelli, 2007; Hale et al., 2009; Pöchhacker, 2001), and the special requirements for specialised fields such as medical, legal, and social services interpreting (Crezee, 2015; Hale, 2020; Pöllabauer, 2004; Sossin & Yetnikoff, 2007; Tipton & Furmanek, 2016).

Additionally, the academic literature addresses the use of appropriate technologies for PSI (Braun, 2013; Roziner & Shlesinger, 2010; Sossin & Yetnikoff, 2007), the ethical duties and responsibilities of interpreters (Drugan, 2017; Leminen & Hokkanen, 2024; Määttä, 2015; Phelan et al., 2020; Raído et al., 2020).

2.2 Insights from Translation Studies

Given that translation studies is a well-established and highly researched field, and interpreting is sometimes considered “a form of translation” (Pöchhacker, 2022, p. 148), this section draws on key insights from the discipline. Joss Moorkens highlighted that translator working in public services in the UK face significant challenges and job insecurity due to neoliberal policies and outsourcing practices. Translators are increasingly pressured to meet unrealistic work demands, be available round-the-clock, and cope with the insecurity of precarious work. Meanwhile, the companies contracted to provide translation services to the public sector benefit from outsourcing arrangements, especially in avoiding regulations such as minimum pay (2017; 2020). Therefore, the current outsourced arrangement of public service interpreting and translation, presents interpreters and translators alike with low pay rates, inadequate support, unfavourable working conditions, and diminished prestige.

Joseph Lambert and Callum Walker delve into the complexities faced by freelance translators working mainly in the private sector. Acknowledging the precarious nature of translators’ work, they discuss the impact of technological advancements, the emergence of platform economies or Uberisation of the industry, and the increasing dominance of super large LSPs, who often dictate lower rates, leaving freelancers with the dilemma of accepting lower-paying work from LSPs or pursuing higher-paying but less stable direct-client projects (2022).

Lambert and Walker also mention an important issue regarding translation qualifications that translators with postgraduate degrees in translation command only marginally higher rates than those without such credentials (2022, p.9). Chan (2010) reveals that while such certifications may enhance the professional image of LSPs and streamline their hiring process, the financial rewards for translators are minimal. Lambert and Walker highlight the need for open dialogue on pay rates to enhance the industry as survey data often highlight translators’ rates as a primary ethical concern (2022).

Similarly, in their 2024 article, Lambert and Walker continue their pioneering work, highlighting various challenges faced by translators, including disruptive changes in workflows, burnout, isolation, and persistent concerns about status, pay rates, and well-being. Despite these obstacles, the authors reference Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to suggest that some translators can still achieve self-actualization through their work. In their discussion, they state that “for most translators, in the UK at least, basic needs are likely met” (2024, p.79), without specifying whether these basic needs are met through income from translation work or reliance on state benefits. Such optimism in expecting self-actualization under intense insecurities risks overlooking how job and financial insecurities might negatively impact translators by diminishing their sense of self-worth and agency, particularly in light of technological threats such as machine translation and generative AI.

Reducing discussions of translators’ and interpreters’ financial security to mere subsistence is potentially problematic, as it might contribute to normalising the widespread devaluation of the required skills and expertise for translation, including mastering two or more languages, acquiring subject-specific knowledge, and developing essential communication skills. It also disregards the significant time and financial investments in education, including, for some, obtaining translation degrees and diplomas.

However, Lambert and Walker (2024) attribute the persistence of many translators in the industry, despite significant challenges, to job satisfaction, a love for the creativity their work entails, and an appreciation for the flexibility it offers. In doing so, they do not account for the broader structural context that shapes translators’ choices, such as the lack of viable alternatives. For instance, it has been documented that individuals from marginalised groups may face structural inequalities and intersectional barriers (Huws, 2014; Warren & Lyonette, 2015). Similarly, Joseph Stiglitz questions the notion of free choice when individuals are forced to make economic decisions based on the limited opportunities available to them within increasingly unequal societies citing the example of poor and minority Americans being compelled to enlist in the army due to a lack of other opportunities (2024). In the same vein, David Spencer warns against positive reporting that results from adapting to adversity, where workers’ responses reflect their background and adaptation to limited opportunities rather than innate desires. In such situations, reported satisfaction may mask the reality of adversity, as workers “make the best of a bad job” (Spencer, 2022, p. 88). Chapter three of this report will address these issues in details.

Additionally, given the relatively high cost of living in the UK compared to other countries, the rise of translation platforms that allow translators to bid for work globally places UK-based translators at a significant disadvantage in the global market, complicating their ability to compete and meet basic needs in an industry characterized by low barriers to entry. For example, a recent study (Fırat et al., 2024) examines whether the labour conditions of translators based in Turkey using platforms to obtain translation jobs comply with the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) standards for decent work. The authors identified significant challenges such as insufficient earnings, poor work-life balance, and a lack of social security, emphasising the necessity for better labour protections and fairer working conditions. Their study concluded that translation platforms intensify precarious work conditions, fundamentally affecting the profession’s sustainability.

To address the challenges faced by translators, Lambert and Walker suggest that, “impactful research co-designed and co-created with industry will have far greater ability to effect change than academia acting in isolation” (2024, p.100). However, they do not explore the potential conflicts of interest of the risk that industry partners might, intentionally or unintentionally, influence and shape the research to serve their own interests. Dennis F. Thompson defines a conflict of interest in research as “a set of conditions in which professional judgment concerning a primary interest tends to be unduly influenced by a secondary interest” (1993, p.573). Notorious examples of conflicts of interest in industry funded research including the tobacco industry and pharmaceutical industry are we documented. Historian of science Robert N. Proctor, also known as the man who studies the spread of ignorance, has documented how tobacco companies funded research that downplayed the health risks of smoking, thereby compromising public health for corporate profit (2012).

This issue of corporate vested interest effecting academic narrative is particularly evident in Lambert’s (2023) blog post for the Association of Translation Companies (ATC), titled Ethics and Sustainability: The Translator’s Perspective. While the blog post mentions low pay, precarious work, and well-being concerns, it omits the structural forces behind these issues. A key question is left unexplored: who is responsible for the deterioration in translators’ pay and working conditions, and who benefits from it? By failing to identify responsibility, the post individualises systemic problems, presenting them as inherent to the profession rather than as outcomes of organisational decisions and market structures. Its conclusion, which emphasises the “importance, and ethical necessity, of self-care,” places the burden on individual coping strategies while ignoring the need for structural reforms.

Furthermore, the post raises ethical concerns about academic collaboration with industry, as it may inadvertently give commercial interests an undeserved appearance of commitment to ethics. The ATC is an interest group representing translation companies’ commercial interests, which helps explain why the discussion emphasises general ethical guidance rather than accountability for systemic labour practices. While the ATC presents itself as setting industry standards, it does not establish pay or working condition benchmarks for translators and interpreters, nor require members to treat their staff fairly. This lack of accountability highlights the ethical risks when scholars collaborate with industry groups like the ATC.

Lambert and Walker’s 2025 edited volume on the translation industry studies brings together contributions from both academic and industry stakeholders. At first glance, this appears to be a positive step in engaging multiple perspectives. However, their introduction chapter frames translators’ experiences in predominantly positive terms, emphasising their love of the profession and their sense of professional identity (Lambert & Walker, 2025, p. 11). At the same time, they repeatedly cite the multi-billion valuation of the industry while overlooking the everyday realities of translators’ welfare—many of whom struggle to make ends meet—and without acknowledging that translators are frequently remunerated at only a few pence per translated word. It could be argued that the inclusion of industry voices without critical engagement risks reproducing the existing power asymmetries of the translation industry, where commercial concerns often overshadow the material realities of translators’ working lives. Moreover, Lambert and Walker’s focus development in AI and platform work, despite being highly relevant, risks normalising existing challenges, including low pay, precarious work, and problematic power dynamics, rather than addressing the systemic structures that sustain them.

About the author
Fardous Bahbouh is a researcher and broadcast interpreter specialising in labour rights and the political economy of the translation and interpreting industry. Alongside her academic research, she continues to work with agencies and production companies that value interpreters and translators and provide fair working conditions. She also runs a small translation company and does not generalise critiques of unfair intermediaries to all translation companies or agencies.

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